Türkiye’s destabilizing insurance policies are manifold. First, Erdogan postponed Sweden’s accession to NATO in order to withdraw concessions from the alliance. He had earlier this week signed a partnership with Washington to buy F-16 fighter planes. Five years ago, America had excluded Turkey from the F-35 complex fighter jet program. But Erdogan conditioned Sweden’s membership of the NATO club on Ankara’s acquisition of new fighter planes from Washington. The F-16 sale thus became a compromise: Turkey was already operating F-16 combat squadrons, so Washington was looking at increasing Ankara’s fleet once it was established. On the other hand, Palms will now have to stop doing business with the United States due to Turkey’s malicious behavior.
Turkey has also expanded its army as part of an alternative strategy. Ankara purchased Russian S-400 air defense equipment, which poses a threat to US air superiority, as well as F-35 aircraft, which produce the majority of US flight drives. In a similar construction, Erdogan bought drone parts to Iran at the same time as Turkey built a drone manufacturing facility in Ukraine, successfully courting each side of Moscow’s struggle to maintain supplemental funding for Turkish producers and exporters. .
Erdogan has also fueled the Israeli-Palestinian conflict: the events of October 7, 2023 have further escalated Ankara’s long-standing support for Hamas. What is worrying is that Erdogan did not condemn the atrocities of the terrorist task force. In return, Turkey has continued to provide funding for Hamas operations and fundraising. Israel’s Shin Gase security provider recently foiled a Hamas terrorist attack organized and financed in Turkey, which could have resulted in numerous Israeli casualties.
In this context, Congress has several tools at its disposal to address a more radicalized Turkey. In particular, Erdogan’s courtship with Moscow has made Turkey a victim of US sanctions, which would restrict the political protection Turkey receives from its club in NATO. To facilitate those sanctions, Congress should require insiders to prepare an inventory of Turkish financial sectors, including financial institutions and production corporations that aid the Russian war struggle.
Congress and the Biden administration could also weaken Türkiye’s support for Hamas. As part of a supplemental appropriations bill signed into law in April, Congress adopted the language of the World Financing Prevent Business of Hamas and Alternative Palestinian Terrorist Groups, which provides new government funding to focus on individuals, entities and foreign states. Who provide material support to Hamas and alternative Palestinian terrorist groups. This regulation thus allows Washington to sanction global financial networks and government officials in Turkey and beyond, which enrich Hamas.
Similarly, Congress could move to compel Turkey to fight the financing of terrorism within its borders, including Hamas. The Financial Action Task Force (FATF), which sets international standards to combat money laundering and terror finance, added Turkey to its “grey list” in 2021, believing that Turkey has the potential to strengthen its financial sector. There are significant problems in controlling abuse by nefarious actors. On the other hand, FATF eventually removed Turkey from the list. Congress should present the case to the FATF to return Turkey to the gray list until Ankara provides evidence that Hamas is not using Turkey’s financial sector to fuel terrorism. Congress should continue to pressure Ankara to reform its domestic terrorism finance regulations and enforcement.
US lawmakers also have power that could limit the impact of F-16 sales. The preseason Congress and Biden leadership have cleared the way for a $23 billion purchase that will outline how Ankara will maintain the fleet and acquire other parts that fly in the air. Erdogan is looking for a path to US-Turkey co-production that would allow Ankara to regulate the supply chain for aircraft maintenance, freeing Turkey from relying on the United States for aircraft parts. Will get it. Congress should block Erdogan’s plan by making clear that it will void U.S. investments from any co-production pledges that Washington and Ankara would likely accept going forward.
Congress may also express displeasure over Turkey selling drone parts to Russia and Iran. The Biden leadership has taken some steps to sanction Turkish drone manufacturers, although not in sufficient numbers. Congress should mandate a document through the Office of the Director of National Intelligence on supply chain parts worn in Russian drones directed at Ukraine. Using the information in this document, lawmakers would ban companies that make up the chain from participating as subcontractors or providers to the U.S. defense sector or from selling guns and weapons manufactured by U.S. companies to other countries in NATO. Prevent them from cooperating for. Such steps would further increase reputational risk in the Turkish economy and discourage foreign investment.
Combined, these congressional efforts will send a signal to Erdogan and the Biden leadership that Washington will not condone Turkey’s unholy habits. Policymakers should pull Erdogan up on his pledges when he openly supports terrorism for Israel, advocates for Hamas and Russia, and undermines NATO. The United States must do business accordingly.
tyler stapleton FDD is the director of Family Congress Members on Motion. Practice it on X:@Ty_D_Stapleton,
Boris Zilberman is director of family coverage and technology at Christians United for Israel (CUFI) Motion Investments. Practice it on X:@rolltidebmz,
Icon: Shutterstock.com.
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